Afghanistan Maoists Unite in a Single Party
movement of Afghanistan took a leap forward by uniting into a single
communist party, the Communist Party (Maoist) of Afghanistan in
a unity congress held in May 2004. The successful conclusion of
this process was a great achievement for the Maoist movement in
Afghanistan and for revolutionary communists the world over.
This new Party
is the fruit of a process that started after the military invasion
of Afghanistan by US imperialism and its allies. This dramatic development
intensified the pressure on the forces upholding Marxism-Leninism-Maoism
(MLM) in Afghanistan to arm themselves with a clear programme
and line. In this new situation, a unification process was initiated
by the Communist Party of Afghanistan (a participant of RIM) and
the Struggle Organisation for the Liberation of Afghanistan (Peykar),
which was later joined by the Revolutionary Unity of Workers of
Afghanistan. An appeal was issued to all the MLM forces of Afghanistan,
which received a warm response.
basis for forging unity was ideological and political principles,
in particular MLM as the ideology and the guiding thought of the
practice of the Communist Party, and new-democratic revolution as
the minimum programme of the Party, as preparation for the transition
to the maximum programme, socialist revolution and the final goal
of communism. Also part of the basis for unity was agreement on
the strategy of people's war and on preparation for people's war
as the central task of the day. The participants also emphasised
internationalism and the struggle within RIM to achieve a new type
in the organisational sphere was a prerequisite for the unity needed,
which meant struggling with the goal in mind of achieving a common
programme and constitution. What followed was nearly two years of
political and ideological struggle, two-line struggle, criticism
and self-criticism involving all the participants in the unity process,
as well as others who became involved in the process.
unity could not have been achieved without a vigorous struggle against
a line that arose in the course of the unity process that viewed
the process as immature and hasty; the proponents of this line believed
the unity process amounted to a process of merely joining the existing
Communist Party of Afghanistan. Instead, it favoured two separate
steps: first, to wait until the whole movement outside the CPA unites,
only after which would integration with the CPA take place and the
"real" Communist Party come into being.
This line failed
to grasp the new situation in the world following the post-11 September
invasion of the country by the imperialists and the consequent urgency
for the country's Maoists to unite around a basically correct line.
This line also did not understand that in this situation the Maoists
could make rapid advances in revolution in a country that was a
focal point of imperialist aggression. Politically, this line failed
to shake off erroneous ideas about party-building that had long
dominated the communist movement in Afghanistan. Organisationally,
these forces were not ready for full integration into a process
marked by a party spirit, which required rupturing with what Lenin
called a small-circle mentality, and instead tended towards sectarianism
and concern about losing the interests of a narrow group or circle.
in fact strengthened the understanding of the Maoist forces and
ultimately nourished the integration process. The fruit of this
process, the main weapon for revolution in Afghanistan, i.e. the
Communist Party (Maoist) of Afghanistan has indeed followed a
long and painful path, full of twists and turns. For many years
the masses were deprived of this weapon by shortcomings and deviations.
The founding of such a Party is a triumph of four decades of positive
and negative experiences and has come at the cost of immense sacrifice.
Initial Leap Forward
movement in Afghanistan has its roots in the struggles of the 1960s,
which drew their main inspiration from the fight of Mao Tsetung
and the Communist Party of China against the revisionist theories
of Khrushchev, leader of the Soviet Communist Party. One of the
first steps in this process was the formation of the Young Progressive
Organisation (YPO) on 6 October 1965. This was a clear alternative
to the pro-Soviet revisionists, who were organised under the name
of the People's Democratic Party ("Khalq") and later the revisionist
party called "Parcham", which split from it. The YPO upheld the
banner of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought and offered a strong
line of demarcation from revisionism for genuine revolutionaries
in the country. It exposed the strategy and tactics of the revisionists,
clearly rejecting their parliamentary cretinism and the policy of
supporting capitalism in the state sectors as the path to socialism.
The YPO called for overthrowing the old system through armed struggle
as the only path to liberating the people and paving the way to
correct orientation won over a majority of the radical youth and
intellectuals and a noticeable number of advanced workers, who gathered
around the publication of the movement led by the YPO, Shola-Javid
("Eternal Flame"). Shola-Javid played an important role in shaping
the thinking of hundreds of thousands of youth who were desperately
seeking a revolutionary way out of long years of oppression by the
backward semi-feudal system, as well as many workers, peasants,
teachers and women. Many cadres, especially from the students and
teachers, were trained to became leaders of the movement. Women
participated on what was for Afghanistan an unprecedented scale,
and in some areas even became revolutionary organisers. Mass protests
and demonstrations in the country surged ahead under the powerful
influence of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, reaching
new heights in 1968-69, in demonstrations that were largely organised
by Maoists or held jointly with other organisations.
from 1963-73 in Afghanistan is known broadly as the period of "Crown
Democracy", but among radical forces as "Semi-Democracy" or "False
Democracy". During this period, though Zahir Shah (the King), a
representative of the old semi-feudal semi-colonial system, was
still in power, some of the traditional parties took advantage of
a weakening of the monarchy to emerge or come out in public after
long years of repression and suppression by successive rulers.
In this situation,
the growing strength of the Maoist movement terrified the reactionary
establishment, which tried in vain to suppress it, arresting and
imprisoning large numbers. The rise of the Maoists also alarmed
the revisionist parties, Khalq and Parcham, who after years of activity
were being overshadowed and were facing rejection from the masses,
especially the youth, because of their stodgy revisionism and reactionary
co-operation with the state. They were hoping to get themselves
a share of the reactionary power by relying on their ties with the
Soviet social-imperialists, who were themselves far from happy at
seeing the growth of a Maoist trend right on their own border.
As for the
Islamic fundamentalists, who were associated with feudalism, although
they were weak politically, they too were alarmed by the strength
of the Maoist movement. Though they were not happy with the way
the government was protecting the old semi-feudal semi-colonial
relations, they were furious at the widespread enthusiasm, particularly
among the youth, for progressive and revolutionary materialistic
Even the so-called
nationalist or progressive religious forces could influence only
certain parts of the country and only some sections of society.
The only real and genuine political force that could unite all the
oppressed, no matter what their nationality or religion or gender,
were the Maoist forces organised around the YPO. The truth of this
could be seen in the huge steps forward they had been able to take
in a short period in a country where backward and reactionary ideas
had been dominant for a very long time.
however, the young Maoists' lack of experience and internal differences
came to surface and started to wear on the movement. Political-ideological
weaknesses in the YPO unfortunately contributed to this trend. The
first serious and open opposition came from an adventurist line
that appeared in a document called "the Historical View" and which
mainly reflected the influence of "focoism" and some of the thinking
of Che Guevara.
changes, and in particular the serious illness of an outstanding
leader of the YPO, Comrade Akram Yari, dealt another sharp blow
to the political and organisational line of the YPO.
In 1970 a rightist
line within the YPO and the new-democratic movement, which came
together around a group known as Enteqadion ("the criticisers"),
launched a series of attacks on YPO and the line of Shola-Javid.
In 1972, after the YPO dissolved, this group seized the opportunity
to openly attack the YPO in a pamphlet entitled "Reject Opportunism
and Forward Towards the Red Revolution" in which it announced the
formation of the Revolutionary Group of Afghanistan's People, which
was later changed to Rahaii (the Liberation Organisation of Afghanistan).
Raising the argument that "essential attention should be paid to
the economic needs of workers", the criticisers liquidated the struggle
to prepare for people's war. They also took up an economist line
towards the peasants, denied the role of the vanguard party and
ignored the importance of ideological and political work among the
working class and peasantry.
It soon became
apparent that their economist view was a reflection of the Rightist
revisionist line that was gaining power in the Communist Party of
China. Indeed, as soon as the revisionist line seized power in China
the criticisers showed how critical they really were of reaction
by supporting it. Soon this economist deviation developed into full-blown
revisionism, as they adopted the reactionary Three Worlds Theory.
When confronted with the Russian invasion, these forces wound up
calling for an Islamic Republic, using the argument that the resistance
of the people was an Islamic resistance.
had an important influence in the YPO from the beginning. Under
its pressure, the YPO did not officially adopt a position against
Soviet social-imperialism until the second general meeting. The
centrists held back line struggle in the movement and undermined
the struggle to achieve clarity on two main questions, the seizure
of political power and preparation for People's War, and the necessity
of forming a vanguard party.
In part due
to this, the very existence of the YPO and its relation to Shola-Javid
became known only when differences and criticisms of the organisation
surfaced. As the Declaration of the Revolutionary Communists of
Afghanistan, one of the participating groups in the unity process,
observed: "&due to this policy & a communist journal was not published,
the organisation's pamphlets and articles remained internal, waging
the ideological and political struggle against the revisionists
and other reactionaries was disrupted, and it was not possible to
wage struggle against the adventurism of 'a historical view' and
the economism of the criticisers on a national scale. As a result,
the struggle to forge an ideological-political line and form a communist
party was seriously interrupted."
A short while
after the Fourth General Meeting of the YPO in 1972, the organisation
proved incapable of dealing with the mounting difficulties and it
was dissolved, although the Maoists continued to exist in different
forms and organisations. As a later Maoist organisation observed:
"As a whole the YPO general line and in particular the struggle
against Khrushchev revisionism and the popularising of new-democratic
thinking was a great achievement, but as a Maoist organisation the
YPO failed to forge a more specific programme related to new-democratic
revolution in the country and (its connection to the final goal
of communism). Without precise principled criteria for political-ideological
and organisational struggle, its active political life was paralysed&."
(Rstakhiz - theoretical political organ of Struggle Organisation,
6 August 1994).
The YPO had
gathered circles and forces who lacked the necessary political and
ideological unity. They acted more like a front than a communist
organisation, which rendered them incapable of dealing with the
economist, centrist and adventurist lines that inevitably emerged.
It is also true, however, that the immaturity and inexperience of
the movement played an important role. These mistakes weakened the
organisation and made it easier for the enemy forces to inflict
fatal blows. The worst days, however, were to come later.
forces also tried to respond politically to the growth of the radical
left. In 1970, the "Young Muslims Organisation" was founded to counter
the increased popularity of the left as a whole and Shola-Javid
in particular. One of their first actions was the assassination
of an outstanding Maoist speaker and organiser in Kabul University,
Comrade Seidal Sokhandan, a vile deed that was carried out by Hekmatyar,
who later became a feared warlord. Fearful of a response by the
Maoists, Hekmatyar fled to Pakistan where he lived under the protection
of Pakistani Islamic fundamentalists and the Pakistan secret services,
which went on to hook him up with the CIA during the war against
Russia. In those difficult times, Hekmatyar put forward the idea
that it was easier to beat the Russians than to defeat the Maoists.
This served as a justification for the Islamic reactionaries to
co-operate in certain ways with the Soviet occupation against the
revolutionaries, a reactionary logic that was shared by the so-called
Lion of the Panjshir, Ahmed Masood.
In 1973 a coup
by Daud Khan, the cousin of Zahir Shah, sent Zahir Shah into exile
in Italy. The revisionists in Khalq and Parcham, with their network
of connections and the direct assistance of the Soviet embassy,
now believed that they had a better chance to work from above and
influence the big bourgeois compradors, and so cooperated with the
coup. This coup boosted the influence of Soviet social-imperialism
in Afghanistan and paved the way for the successive coups that followed,
which ultimately led to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
though disorganised and disoriented by the dissolution of the YPO
in 1972, nevertheless were able to carry on a serious resistance
to the regime.
In 1975, Sorkha,
the Peoples Liberation Organisation of Afghanistan, was founded
while Daud Khan was still in power. This represented an attempt
by the final leadership of YPO to reorganise the movement, but Sorkha
in fact represented more the shortcomings and errors of the YPO
than its strong points, in particular with regard to the question
of the path to seizing power. In May 1976 a revisionist coup supported
by Soviet social-imperialism put the Khalq party in power. This
was not long before the October 1976 coup in China threw the Maoist
movement around the world into confusion. Mired in eclectics and
deprived of the former base area of world revolution, Sorkha proved
unable to resist the brutal, savage attacks of the revisionists
in power, who were determined to annihilate anything associated
with the Shola trend. Within a short time Sorkha had lost nearly
all its leaders and activists, and ceased activity.
The years between
1976 and 1979 (when the Russian invasion took place) was an important
period in the history of the communist movement of Afghanistan.
The criticisers solidified their position around the Three Worlds
theory, and the centrists consolidated their forces around the centrist
force Samandar. At this time another group was formed, Struggle
to Form the Communist Party of Afghanistan, which was known as Akhgar
after its paper. Many of Akhgar's cadres had split from the Criticisers.
They set their main task as the formation of a communist party and
in 1976 raised the banner of Mao Tsetung Thought, sharply attacking
the Three World Theory as well as the centrists around Samandar.
However, many cadres, including a number of intellectuals in exile
in Europe, were influenced by the dogmato-revisionist response of
Enver Hoxha and the Albanian Party of Labour to the events in China.
The leadership of Akhgar soon fell prey to Hoxhaism and published
a "critique" of Mao in Akhgar. The struggle to defend Mao's line
continued but did not make much headway, and finally Akhgar as an
organisation succumbed to liquidationism from 1983.
the Soviet Invasion
The next period
is marked by the invasion of Soviet social-imperialism in January
1980. The dominant forces during this period were the Islamic fundamentalists,
due in particular to the military and financial help of the CIA
and regional intelligence services (in particular Pakistan) and
also due to the rise of the mullahs in Iran. The Maoists became
increasingly disoriented due to the fundamental weaknesses in their
political and ideological line, as well as the continuing crisis
in the international communist movement as a result of the coup
in China. They were unable to pull together and come up with a correct
summation of past mistakes and correctly analyse the new situation
and, on that basis, seize the opportunity to build a communist party
and wage a war of resistance against the invaders as part of a people's
war. Instead, most of the forces degenerated into appendages of
various bourgeois and feudal jihadis. SAMA (Liberation Organisation
of the People of Afghanistan), the strongest revolutionary organisation
of this period, was formed in 1979. It grew out of a coming together
of a number of forces that had belonged to the new-democratic movement
(Shola-Javid) and also included some smaller groups that had formed
independently after that time. But it is clear that the dominant
section of SAMA's leadership was from the centrist section of the
SAMA was in
fact essentially a front consisting of a wide range of forces with
communist elements, including some who had a past in the YPO and
the new-democratic movement. After the founding conference, it openly
rejected any sign of past communist inclinations and, in the name
of adopting language common to the people, it eliminated any socialist
elements in its programme and made it a national-democratic programme.
After the capture of Majid, the main leader of SAMA, and the split-off
of a left faction (Samandar forces, the centrist faction in the
YPO), SAMA retreated further and publicly withdrew the national-democratic
programme, treating it instead as an "internal" programme. An "Islamic
programme" was produced for open use. Upon being pressed, SAMA's
leaders argued that "this is just a cover". They believed that using
this Islamic cover could save them from the Islamic fundamentalists.
History showed instead that, far from being a shield that could
protect them from the sword of the Islamic fundamentalists, this
tactic was suicidal poison for the revolutionary movement in Afghanistan.
A short while
later, in the summer of 1981 a series of fights erupted between
SAMA forces and forces of Hekmatyar's Islamic Party in the Kuhdaman
region, during which SAMA was successively defeated. In an effort
to save SAMA, its leadership entered negotiations with the government.
This led to crisis, followed by splits and desertions. It was the
beginning of the end of SAMA, which went on to suffer further degeneration
and contamination under the influence of the imperialists and Chinese
the disastrous trajectory of SAMA has been decisive for forging
a correct political and ideological line in the Afghanistan movement.
New Communist Movement
The new communist
movement of Afghanistan initially was inspired by the formation
of RIM in 1984. The Committee for MLM Propaganda and Agitation (at
that time understood as Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought, MLMTT)
was formed in 1985 and started publishing Shola. Another group of
comrades split from SAMA and obtained, read and discussed the RIM
Declaration. They went on to call themselves the Revolutionary Nucleus
and adopted the RIM line. These developments were a slap in the
face to SAMA's leadership, who accused the newly organising Maoist
forces of being a "KGB front". RIM used these forces to make some
initial efforts to deepen its understanding of the situation in
Afghanistan and begin to bring together the genuine Maoist forces.
the Organisation to Struggle for the Liberation of Afghanistan (Peykar),
had formed in 1979 just before the Russian invasion and took part
in the anti-Soviet resistance. Despite numerous difficulties, they
managed to make some summation of the history of the communist movement
in Afghanistan and to uphold MLMTT and later MLM, and to support
RIM. Another group that supported RIM and Maoism was formed among
the centrist forces of the Unity of Marxist-Leninists of Afghanistan
(UMLA). This group broke with the centrists and, under the name
of UMLA (Mao Tsetung Thought Section), joined the new Maoist current.
So from the
mid 1980s, under the influence of the political and ideological
line of RIM, the new communist movement in Afghanistan began to
emerge from a period of deviations and disorientations and take
new organisational forms. The attempt to unite these forces into
a vanguard party led in the early 1990s to the formation of the
Consolidation and Unity Committee of the Communist Movement of Afghanistan.
This Committee was initiated by the PAC and RN and then UMLA (MTT
Section) and subsequently joined by Peykar. Despite its efforts,
at this time continuing differences made it impossible to unite
all these groups into a new party. RN and UMLA (MTT Section) formed
the Revolutionary Organisation of Afghanistan, which became a RIM
participant and later founded the Communist Party of Afghanistan.
PAC joined the Party a few months later.
As the report
to the Unity Congress states, "the foundation of the Communist Party
of Afghanistan in 1991 was a qualitative rupture from the line that
made the formation of the party an aim in itself and set various
unnecessary and incorrect preconditions. Nevertheless, due to shortcomings
that the whole MLM communist movement of Afghanistan, including
the founders of the Communist Party in 1991, were suffering from,
this ideological-political and organisational rupture was not able
to successfully lead to uniting the communist movement of the country
into a single party."
1990s, the Communist Party of Afghanistan and Peykar each tried
on their own to struggle and unite the different parts of the Maoist
movement. And each had some success. These moves were welcomed by
RIM, which vigorously promoted the struggle to unite the Maoist
movement in Afghanistan. Another group, the Revolutionary Unity
of the Workers of Afghanistan, though it supported a united Maoist
party and RIM, had been limited by Taliban suppression to its own
area. They now joined in the unity process.
It is now up
to the new Party to actively intervene politically and ideologically
to unite the many comrades who are still outside the Party or those
who have been held captive by revisionist organisations such as
SAMA and Rahaii. Those who are still yearning to be revolutionary
communists need to check out the line of this new party and the
embryonic international communist center that this Party is part
of, RIM, and join with it to strengthen the Party and take its Programme
to the masses, especially to the young generation, in order to prepare
to launch a people's war of resistance against the imperialist invaders
and the reactionary feudal forces, Islamic or other.
Party (Maoist) of Afghanistan faces the crucial test of defending
and applying Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in a complex ideological battlefield
where monstrous crimes were committed by the Soviet Union cloaked
as "communists" and where Islamic fundamentalism has had a deep
and pernicious influence in the society. Only a vibrant and bold
Maoism capable of answering the most demanding questions of the
masses and responding to their deepest aspirations will be able
to build upon the achievements of the early stages of the movement
and offer a living alternative to all stripes of non-proletarian
ideology, whether in its obscurantist, bourgeois-democratic or revisionist
in Afghanistan have won great respect from many masses, and the
fire of Maoism that was lit by the YPO and its leaders, especially
martyred Comrade Akram Yari, has never died. Though the incorrect
lines that dominated the various sections of the communist movement
after the disintegration of the YPO inflicted bitter blows to the
movement, the new communist movement has now taken a giant step
out of that period. The new communist movement in Afghanistan, inspired
by the formation of RIM and the struggle of the Maoists the world
over, and by summing up past experience and learning the bitter
lessons of that experience, has reorganised itself, giving rise
to the Communist Party (Maoist) of Afghanistan . As is stated in
the report to the Unity Congress: "The successful conclusion of
this congress and the uniting of the communist movement (MLM) into
a single communist party will surely enable the MLMists in Afghanistan
to complete the great struggle to prepare a revolutionary people's
national resistance war against the invaders and their pitiful lackeys,
as the present concrete form of People's War in Afghanistan, and
as quickly as possible to raise the red banner of resistance in
a principled way on the bloody battlefield of Afghanistan. This
is the only way that our Party as a participant in RIM can rightfully
assume its internationalist tasks and responsibilities."
of the Unity Congress of the Communist (MLM) Movement of Afghanistan
We have the
honour and pride to announce that the communist (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)
movement of Afghanistan is united in the Communist Party of Afghanistan
(Maoist). This victorious stride is the result of the unification
process of the MLM movement of Afghanistan, which culminated specifically
in holding the successful Congress of the Party.
in a principled and proper way to the needs of the communist and
national-democratic struggle - leading to a victorious new-democratic
revolution, socialism and world communism - it is crucial to unite
the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists on the basis of a principled communist
line. This essential task became imminent after the US launched
an overall campaign of aggression after 11 September, specifically
directed against Afghanistan. The communist movement of Afghanistan
responded to the challenge. Shortly after the aggression of the
US and its allies against Afghanistan, the Afghanistan Maoists started
to unite the communist movement of Afghanistan in a single party.
despite ebbs and flows and turns and twists, proceeded successfully.
The ideological and political struggle launched around the Draft
Programme and the Constitution of the party proved to be an unprecedented
ideological-political struggle that has been unique in the history
of the communist movement of the country. From the start the process
was marked by a significant international aspect and continued to
develop and strengthen its proletarian aspects.
of uniting the communist movement of Afghanistan (MLM) benefited
from the orientation of the RIM Committee. An outstanding example
was RIM's calling for the Joint Regional Conference of MLM Parties
and Organisations of Iran and Afghanistan. The Conference, in addition
to making advances in the process of uniting the communist movement
of Afghanistan, was an important qualitative leap in strengthening
the unity of the MLM movement in the region.
Party of Iran (MLM) demonstrated a comradely internationalist spirit
and made qualitative contributions throughout the process of uniting
the MLM movement of Afghanistan. Our Congress greatly appreciates
this contribution and we hope our joint struggle in the region further
strengthens our relationship in the future.
ground that was established in the process of struggle further advanced
the communist movement of Afghanistan. One of the important aspects
of the unification was the joint resolutions issued by the organisations
participating in the unity process.
The Unity Congress
of the communist (MLM) movement of Afghanistan as the final step
of the process to unite the MLM movement in a single party, that
is, the Communist Party of Afghanistan (Maoist), was held by the
Communist Party of Afghanistan, the Struggle Organisation for the
Liberation of Afghanistan, and the Revolutionary Unity of Workers
began with the singing of the Internationale anthem. The participants
engaged in an active struggle that culminated in a successful Congress.
In adopting the Programme and the Constitution of the Party, as
well as in electing the members of the leadership of the Party,
they demonstrated a great spirit of internationalism. The report
to the Congress was received and discussed by the Congress enthusiastically.
The discussion of different sections of the Draft Programme and
Constitution of the Party was marked by excellent struggle and a
spirit of unity. The Programme and Constitution both were adopted
by unanimous vote. In electing the leadership a high proletarian
spirit was manifested by all the participant comrades.
point of the Congress was a message from the RIM Committee to the
congress, which was received with great appreciation and enthusiasm.
In response, the keynote speaker of the Congress reciprocated by
expressing appreciation of the message. The Congress decided to
deliver a comradely message in response to the RIM Committee's message.
to the Congress from the Communist Party of Iran (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)
demonstrated its internationalist spirit as well as its keen interest
in uniting the Maoist movement of Afghanistan in a single communist
party. The Congress will respond to the message, showing its great
appreciation for the comradely endeavours of the Communist Party
of Iran (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist).
In the unity
process, the communist movement of Afghanistan was inspired by the
advances of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) on the path of
people's war. In the midst of holding the Congress we learned that
the People's War in Nepal has made new advances, and this heightened
the enthusiasm of our Congress. The Congress salutes the Communist
Party of Nepal (Maoist) and will send a message to this party.
The role of
internationalist struggle of the Revolutionary Communist Party,
USA in preparing revolution in the USA, as well as in opposing the
war of aggression led by US imperialism specifically in Afghanistan,
is crucial to the international communist movement and to the people's
resistance movement world-wide. At the present time, as Afghanistan
is directly occupied by the US and its allies, the unity between
our two people's struggles is an important task. We salute the Revolutionary
Communist Party, USA and hope their struggle continues to be heightened.
The Unity Congress
of the communist (MLM) movement of Afghanistan salutes and greets
the Communist Party of Peru, the Maoist Communist Centre of India,
the Maoist Communist Party [Turkey and North Kurdistan] and all
the other participating parties and organisations of the Revolutionary
Internationalist Movement and all the Maoists world-wide, who are
involved in revolutionary struggle against imperialism and reaction,
and hopes for increasing success in their revolutionary struggle
against the class enemy.
that our Congress successfully concluded the process of uniting
the Maoist movement of Afghanistan in a single Communist Party of
Afghanistan (Maoist). The Unity Congress is confident that the organisational
integration of different participant forces in the Congress on a
principled basis and based on the Programme and Constitution of
the Party in all different levels will be completed quickly and
that the comrades will be able to carry out their revolutionary
tasks united. The process of the Congress and its successful conclusion
in a single communist party, the Communist Party of Afghanistan
(Maoist), is an important and qualitative step in the direction
of the further development and advance of the Afghanistan Maoists
to prepare, initiate, and develop the revolutionary and popular
national war of resistance in Afghanistan against the imperialist
invaders and national traitors, as the present concrete form of
people's war in Afghanistan. This path must be travelled on a correct
basis and as soon as possible so that the banner of the proletariat
is hoisted in practice in the battlefields of the national war of
The unity of
Maoists of Afghanistan in the single Communist Party of Afghanistan
(Maoist) is an achievement for the Revolutionary Internationalist
Movement. Our Congress hopes that this achievement plays a positive
role in serving the overall struggle of RIM.
Party of Afghanistan (Maoist) is the direct result of the successful
conclusion of the unity process of the Maoist movement in Afghanistan.
The banner of this Party is the banner of all Maoists of Afghanistan.
The Communist Party of Afghanistan (Maoist) invites all Maoists
of the country to step forward to join the Party in order to be
able to carry out their national-democratic task based on proletarian
concluded with the singing of the Internationale.
Long Live the
Unity Congress of the Communist Movement (MLM) of Afghanistan!
Long Live the
Communist Party of Afghanistan (Maoist)!
Long Live the
Revolutionary Internationalist Movement!
Down with the
US Imperialist Invaders and Their Allies!
to Initiate and Develop the Revolutionary National War of Resistance!
The Unity Congress
of the communist (MLM) movement
1 May 2004