Volume 2, No. 1, January 2001

Carrying out the socialist revolution in the super structure, the sphere of ideology included, is a basic task of our Party on the ideological-political front. Twenty-odd years of class struggle and the struggle between the two lines since the founding of New China have shown this to be an important historical experience.

After the great victory in the socialist transformation of the ownership of the means of production in China, Chairman Mao, criticizing the revisionist theory of "the dying out of class struggle" and the metaphysical negation of the existence of contradictions in socialist society, pointed out incisively: "The basic contradictions in socialist society are still those between the relations of production and the productive forces and between the superstructure and the economic base." "Apart from harmony as well as contradiction between the relations of production and the developing productive forces, there is harmony as well as contradiction between the superstructure and the economic base." (On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People.)

Under socialism, such basic contradictions continue to take the form of class contradictions, the concentrated expressions of which are the contradiction and struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and the struggle between the socialist and the capitalist roads. Naturally, in socialist society, the contradictions between the relations of production and the productive forces and between the superstructure and the economic base differ essentially from those in the old society. Socialist relations of production are in harmony with the development of the productive forces, and the socialist system spurs the rapid growth of the country’s productive forces, demonstrating its tremendous superiority. Nevertheless, at this stage these relations are not flawless and their imperfections impede to some extent the development of the productive forces.

The state system and laws of China’s proletarian dictatorship are powerful instruments for establishing, safeguarding and developing the socialist economic base. The socialist ideology with Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought as the guide, while reflecting the needs of the socialist economic base, acts as a great propelling force in the consolidation and development of the socialist economic base. However, bourgeois ideology and certain unhealthy practices in the state organizations as well as defects in some links of the state machinery are in contradiction with the socialist economic base. It is for this reason that the proletariat must continue the revolution, gradually transform production relations to suit and promote the development of the productive forces, and actively transform the superstructure to suit it to the economic base and promote its development. Only thus can the cause of socialism be carried forward.

The bourgeoisie and its representatives, on the other hand, want to perpetuate the bourgeois ideological system of oppressing and exploiting the proletariat and the capitalist social system, and they leave no stone unturned to oppose all reforms in the superstructure Their vain hope is to undermine the socialist economic base, subvert the proletarian dictatorship and restore capitalism. Such a course of contradiction and struggle will last throughout the entire socialist historical period.

Proceeding from the law of the unity of opposites which is a basic law of the universe and basing himself on the historical experience of the proletarian dictatorship, Chairman Mao formulated the basic theory and line in the socialist period for our Party and led it in making one revolution after another in the superstructure, including the ideological sphere.

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the movement to criticize revisionism and rectify the style of work, initiated and led by Chairman Mao, are the continuation of the struggle between the two classes, two roads and two lines following the birth of the People’s Republic. These great revolutionary struggles have demolished the bourgeois headquarters headed by Liu Shao-chi and crushed the plots of political swindlers like Liu Shao-chi who tried to change the Party’s basic line and policies and restore capitalism. It has cleaned up, in depth and breadth as never before, the mire left by the bourgeoisie and other exploiting classes in the superstructure, including the ideological sphere, and brought the revisionist line and ideology under heavy fire. All this has been a powerful impetus to the consolidation and development of China’s socialist economic base and a source of strength to firm up the socialist system of the proletarian dictatorship. It has given our socialist motherland new vigour and prosperity.

However, some of the tasks of struggle-criticism-transformation in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution remain to be completed. The basic contradictions between the productive forces and the relations of production and between the superstructure and the economic base still exist, and class struggle has not ended. The bourgeoisie will never be reconciled to their defeat. After the upsurge of each revolutionary movement, as historical experience shows, the bourgeoisie always try to recover lost ground, turning to new forms of struggle in the new situation. At the same time, as pointed out by Chairman Mao: "New things always have to overcome difficulties and setbacks as they grow." (On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People.) This is the case with reforms in education, literature and art, with the work concerning educated youths going to the countryside, with running "May 7" cadre schools and with the co-operative medical system and "barefoot doctors." When old contradictions are resolved, new contradictions arise. If we rest on our laurels, oblivious of the need to carry on the revolution and to repulse the bourgeoisie’s attempts to put the clock back and their other subversive activities, if we do not solve in time, in accordance with the Party’s line and policies, the contradictions facing us in our way ahead, the fruits of our victory may be vitiated, undermined, or lost again. In order to carry the socialist revolution in the superstructure through to the end, we must conscientiously sum up our experience in struggle and consolidate and expand our victories as we march forward.

To grasp the superstructure, the key is to take firm hold of the line, which is itself part of the realm of ideology in the superstructure. Being the concentrated expression of the interests, demands and world outlook of a definite class and the guide to all action, the line is therefore a fundamental question bearing on the entire situation. Chairman Mao teaches us: "The correctness or incorrectness of the ideological and political line decides everything." He expounds the interaction of the superstructure on the economic base and penetratingly sums up class struggle in the superstructure as being in the last analysis, a matter of what ideological and political line to be followed. If the ideological and political line is correct, that which makes up the superstructure will adhere to the correct orientation to constantly perfect itself and play a full part in protecting and promoting the socialist economic base. But if the line is wrong, the superstructure will lose its bearings; it will not be able to serve the socialist economic base but will obstruct and undermine it.

We must take the Party’s basic line as our guide in pushing the socialist revolution in the superstructure and changing all parts of the superstructure unsuited to the socialist economic base. "A line or a viewpoint must be explained constantly and repeatedly. It won’t do to explain them only to a few people; they must be made known to the broad revolutionary masses."

Not only the leading cadres but also rank and file Party members and the revolutionary masses should pay attention to the Party’s basic line. Some conirades, on the excuse that their level is low, regard grasping the superstructure and the line as the exclusive business of the leading cadres. This way of looking at things is incorrect. A low level needs all the more to pay attention to the superstructure and the Party line. Knowledge comes from practice. One’s level of consciousness in line can be gradually raised only through the practice of concerning oneself with the revolution in the superstructure.

Some comrades pay little attention to or are not adept at availing themselves of the superstructure and the Party line to stimulate production. Subjectively they want to quicken the pace of production and construction, but often they fail to obtain the desired results and sometimes even lose their bearings and go astray. Take a firm hold of the revolution in the superstructure, and a great spurt in production and construction will follow on the heels of its victory. One powerful proof is the flourishing Big Leap situation of 1958, which came in the wake of the great victory of the socialist revolution on the political and ideological fronts in 1957. The resounding victory of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the movement to criticize revisionism and rectify the style of work will no doubt continue to give a big push to our cause of socialist construction in everv respect.

This likewise is true of individual units. Where the revolution is grasped well and the Party line and policies are thoroughly implemented, with the contradictions between the enemy and ourselves and contradictions among the people correctly handled, the socialist consciousness of the masses raised and all positive factors brought into full play, it follows that production will develop at full speed. "Grasp revolution, promote production" has become the personal experience of many comrades. (To be continued)

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