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Digvijay Singh's much-publicised 'grassroots development model' and 'Panchayati
raj' schemes planned by 'Leftist' advisors is yet another hoax, propagated by a
pliant media. This is, in particular, to be seen in the so-called "cooperativisation"
of minor forest produce in Madhya Pradesh since March '99. The Chief Minister,
in an effort to shore up the extremely precarious status of his state's
finances, has discovered minor forest produce as a good source of income where
the 'cooperatives' loot the villagers even more than the private traders. But it
has been publicised as a scheme to serve tribal interests and to free tribals
from exploitation by traders and middlemen.
In the name of "cooperativisation" he has tried to directly control the
collection, purchase and sale of minor forest produce and thereby appropriate
the profits hitherto controlled by big traders. The Jagdalpur market in Bastar
is Asia's largest trading centre for minor forest produce, having an yearly
trade of over Rs. 1000 crores in tamarind, mahua flowers and seeds, Sal seeds,
giun etc. The extent of this trade can be gauged from the fact that one lakh
metric tonnes of tamarind are produced yearly in Bastar, of which half reaches
the market.
Such 'cooperativisation' schemes were first initiated by the BJP Sunderlal Patwa
government in 1992 for the collection, purchase and sale of tendu leaves, in
order to counter the spread of the CPI(ML)(PW). This, too, was also done in the
name of protecting tribals from the private traders. In fact the government,
even at enormous loss, has prevented the rise in picking rates which were being
forced on the private traders as a result of the militant mass movements led by
the PW.
The government, since the past 5 years (BJP or Congress(I) ) set up so-called
cooperative societies which have been given the responsibility of collecting
tendu leaves from villagers and paying them. In fact it is direct collection by
the government. The so-called coops are only in name. The government fixes the
rate for the collection of tendu leaves and the tribals are paid after the
leaves are despatched from the depots; in order to break their strike movement.
Earlier, if the traders did not agree to their demands the tribals would strike
work and burn the collected leaves in the depots. Now, even with strikes, the
government, in order to crush the movement, is willing to forego collection in
the Bastar region. Also, payment of wages after despatch prevents burning down
the depots.
The government had promised that after the sale of the entire purchased leaves,
it would distribute the profit earned in the form of bonuses to the pickers.
But, the past five years' experience has shown that the government has used its
control over tendu leaf purchase as a political weapon to crush the PW led
movement and to deprive the tribal pickers of their legitimate dues. Not once in
these 5 years has a bonus been distributed; with the government pocketing huge
profits. Besides, while in neighbouring states the tribals are getting Rs. 1.35
to Rs. 1.50 per bundle, the MP government paid a mere 40p per bundle to the
pickers. In the past three years the government increased the rate by a mere 5
paise.
A similar policy is now adopted for minor forest produce. When this policy was
introduced last year, the traders put up strong resistance to the takeover of
the trade and even gheraoed the collector of Bastar district. Finally, the
government compromised and allowed only licensed traders to operate in the
markets, but they were not permitted to trade in the villages. But in reality,
the government introduced the scheme only in the more developed areas of Bastar,
while in Dantewada district the coops did not open shop, and the private traders
continued to operate in the 220 weekly markets of the district.
Besides, due to poor planning, the failure of the government scheme became
apparent in the very first month. The coops, CAMPs and Trifed, did not have
sufficient funds to purchase all the tamarind reaching the market, leading to
severe hardships to the ordinary villagers, who had to bear the cost of carting
the produce to the markets. In addition, the representatives of the so-called
societies cheated villagers in weights and calculations. And, worst of all,
while private traders were paying Rs. 12 per kg for tamarind, the government's
fixed rate was Rs. 7 per kg. While the government had claimed that it would
change the rate of tamarind every week, it did not do so even once.
In other words, this new policy, handed down by 'Leftist' advisors, was a
disaster for the tribals. By the end of the season the government had bought not
even one-fifth of the tamarind that reaches the market. Yet, official
announcements claimed to have bought up 80,000 quintals of tamarind through the
cooperative societies at a cost of Rs. 3 crores. While the MP government made a
fortune by selling the tamarind to the AP government, the villagers of Kongagaon
and other tehsils of Bastar division were the losers - in every possible way.
This is just one
example of the much-publicised rural development schemes of the
Raja-turned-chief-minister
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