Volume 1, No. 10, December 2000


Towards Understanding the Indian Variety of ‘Fascism’

(On the 25th Anniversary of the Declaration of Emergency)

— Poornima


Twenty five years back, on June 25, 1975 a state of internal Emergency was declared in India. During the Emergency (1975-77), declared by the then Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, all fundamental rights were suspended and thousands of democrats and activists of opposition parties were jailed, and hundreds of revolutionaries were tortured and even killed. The trauma of the Emergency is haunting us once again today with the growth of fascistic Hindutva communalism. Against this backdrop, this article attempts to clear some common misconceptions in understanding the Indian variety of fascism; understand the difference between the erstwhile Emergency and the emerging fascism; identifying the material basis for the possible emergence of any fascism in India; define it by comparing and contrasting it with fascism of the earlier European variety; point to its disastrous potential; consider whether or not it is inevitable, whether or not it will hold out and how it can be fought.

Three Misconceptions

There are three misconceptions we often encounter in understanding fascism of the Indian variety.

i) Equating Communalisms

The first is like the law in its impartial majesty equally penalising both the rich and the poor for sleeping under a public bridge. Obviously, the rich don’t have to sleep there and so the law, for all practical purposes, creates problems only for the poor.1 Likewise, we have some people equating minority communalisms with majority communalism. Apparently, there is no recognition that the latter is supported and sponsored by the state and the dominant interests and has the potential to take on a fascist character whereas the former often emerge in reaction to the latter and are merely communalisms or fundamentalisms, which are far less dangerous in comparison. There is no ample recognition of the nexus between khadi, khakhi and saffron (ruling class politicians, the police-military complex, and the Hindutva forces). Nor is there an appreciation of the Hindutva communal nature of education, media, bureaucracy and even the judiciary. Estimates have it that Muslims have suffered the vast majority of the deaths in Hindu-Muslim ‘communal riots’. There were several so-called riots which were just carnages, like the Delhi anti-Sikh riot in 1984. The Hindutva communal bias of the security forces of the state has been clearly visible in many a riot like in Bhagalpur (1989), Maliana (1987), Meerut (1987), etc., where the guardians of law became the worst perpetrators themselves. In the Mumbai riots following the demolition of the Babri Masjid, the number of Muslims killed by police firing far exceeded the number killed by Hindu rioters.2 An approach that equates the majority and minority communalisms, in effect, serves the cause of majority communalism itself. Related to this is an abstract notion of secularism in the negative sense, i.e., as opposed to communalism. Such an abstract notion of secularism does not, for instance, demand that Babri Masjid should be rebuilt. It does not emphasize on a struggle for the democratic rights of the minorities (even for their religious rights), a struggle for the amelioration of their conditions. It is true that if religion is considered to be just a matter of faith, a question of the private sphere, there is hardly any basis for contradiction between religious communities. But once the contradiction emerges or is propped up on whatever grounds, those at the receiving end of it, inevitably come to acquire common secular interests.3 This would, in all fairness, be the basis for the struggle for democratic rights of the minorities.

ii) Democratic Rights for Fascists

The second misconception lies in arguing for the civil liberties and democratic rights of the fascists.4 This, again, is based on an abstract notion of democracy and a misconceived notion about the nature of fascism. Thus, in 1990, when L.K. Advani was arrested in Bihar after his bloody trail of the ‘rath yatra’, even reputed Democratic Rights organisations had opposed his arrest. One should not forget that historically fascism has utilised the democratic space available in bourgeois democracies only in order to strangulate it. So the lesson before us is that if we are to protect democracy,we must fight out fascism because fascism is its very anti-thesis.

iii) A Simple Communalism-Secularism Bipolarity

The third misconception regarding the phenomenon of communalism in its current phase is looking at it from the angle of a mere communalism-secularism bipolarity. It is crucial to go into the political economy of it — "the structural interconnections" 5. In other words, it is important to understand the "class basis of communalism" 6 — how Hindutva communalism serves the interests of comprador capitalism 7 in our country, the subservience of this comprador capitalism to imperialism, and the nexus of this comprdor capitalism with the feudal class/social forces in rural India. Ideas or concepts do not become a social force unless they meet the material needs of certain classes in society. The concept of Hindutva nationalism and ideas of Hindutva chauvinism have existed for many decades. The fact that they have now emerged as a strong social force is not merely because Hindutva revivalist propaganda is more effective today but because if finds favour with the material needs of the dominant classes. 8 In order to understand fascism we need to understand not only its ideology, but also the history of its practice and the whole arena in which it operates. 9

All these three misconceptions arise in analyses done from the vantage point of liberalism/revisionism. In this sense, they are liberal/revisionist maladies.

Fascism and Minority Rights

Understanding the question of fascism as merely a question of minority rights is a symptom associated with the third misconception. Admittedly, the struggle for minority rights could constitute only a small part of the anti-fascist agenda. It is true that Muslims, Sikhs, Dalits and Christians have been directly affected by ‘Hindutva fascism’ 10 and they have been the first victims. But fascism has a much broader agenda. Even in the classic case of German fascism, the gas chambers were initially built not for the Jews per se but ‘for Communists and other undesirables’.11 Therefore, anti-fascism should not be construed to mean merely a fight for minority rights, although the struggle for minority rights should be an integral part of anti-fascist struggles.

There was a fresh wave of attacks on minorities beginning with the earlier 13-month rule of the BJP at the Centre — on Christians this time round. Just as attacks on minorities was on the rise, so also repression on the revolutionary movement has also been intensified. The 275 people killed in AP during 1998 is the highest in the last 30 years. And in the first three months of 1999, 70 people were killed in AP. 12 Similarly in Bihar, massacres by the Ranveer Sena have been recurring more often in the recent past. Similarly, repression on the nationalities too seemed to be on the rise.

Emergency and the Emerging Fascism : The Role of Civil Society

Fascism in the making of the current phase in India stands apart from the earlier dictatorships (like Indira Gandhi’s Emergency) in that it does not solely rely on the State apparatus for the implementation of coercive measures. It was rather easy to mobilise the civil society against the Emergency as it did not have much base in civil society, except for outfits like the Youth Congress led by Sanjay Gandhi. Fascism, on the other hand, is not a phenomenon associated merely with the State. It builds its base and consolidates its hold, first of all, in civil society, of course with the tacit support of the state. Semi-autonomous civil society groups as militant outfits receive hide and seek support from the state. They are autonomous and yet centrally coordinated. Thus apparently, the RSS controls the BJP. RSS stalwarts founded the VHP. even a feudal-landlord army like Ranveer Sena has its chief, Brahmeswar Singh, a cardholder of the Hindutva camp.

Moreover, fascism in the making of the current phase in India has secured the consent from significant sections of civil society. Gramsci had spoken of how fascism establishes its hegemony gradually, gaining social consent and popular complicity.13 Perhaps, this process is indicated by the kind of support that the BJP government is getting from the so-called regional parties, the kind of saffronisation of the Congress in states like Bihar and the growth of militant Hindutva outfits like the RSS, VHP and the Bajrang Dal.

‘Fascistic Communalism’ or ‘Communal Fascism’ ?

When faced with crisis, dominant classes, in general, do turn ‘fascistic’. But ‘fascism’ itself can be viewed as the ultimate weapon in the armoury of the dominant classes. They always keep this as an option open to them. It could be said that fascism is the ultimate response of the ruling classes when they are in crisis. In India, the specific variety of fascism, if any, would, undoubtedly, be Hindutva Fascism. And there is no denying that any ruling class party can become fascistic when they are faced with economic crisis or peoples struggles. But it is important to distinguish the Sangh Parivar — a conglomerate of the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS) — Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) — Bajrang Dal-BJP, etc. — and Shiv Sena from the other ruling class parties, in the sense that the Sangh Parivar has a specifically clear-cut communal fascist agenda.

It may be said that as of today, Communal Fascism has not, in the real sense, dawned upon the Indian State and society. I would say, there is Fascistic communalism existing and evolving. (It is communalism in essence but being fascistic may be considered its attribute as of today). Although majoritarian communalism has existed in India for several decades, it was probably from the mid-1980s that it took on a fascistic character. (Remember, for instance, the anti-Sikh riots in 1984, and the Ram Mandir issue being rake up in 1984-85, courtesy, the Congress party etc.). But Fascistic Communalism has the potentiality to turn into full-fledged Communal Fascism over time. (Here it would be fascism in essence and being communal, its attribute) Yes, quantitative evolution does usher in qualitative changes in reality.

For the days to come, Fascistic Communalism seems to be consolidating its grip. With the Structural Adjustment Policies (SAP) that began in 1991 and with the WTO since 1994, imperialist exploitation has also intensified. The crisis resulting from this increased exploitation, resulting in the heightened struggles of the masses, would require fascistic rule to sustain the status quo. But by virtue of being the most pernicious variety of ruling class politics, Hindutva fascism would have an oppressive specificity of its own, serving the interests of the ruling classes.14

The Material Basis for ‘Fascism’ in India

Now what is the nature of the crisis faced by the present-day ruling classes in India that might pave the way for a fascist take-over ? The crisis has economic, political and cultural dimensions.

The Economic Basis

On the economic front, with the initiation of the New Economic Policies under the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), the powers-that-be have nothing to offer to the sprawling majority of the population. Moreover, the masses are faced with price hikes of essential commodities, decline in real wages, job losses due to the increasing use of labour displacing technologies; further, the slashing of social welfare expenditure results in greater immiserisation. The generalised onslaught of imperialism most adversely affects the already marginalised sections. The vast majority of the masses do not have purchasing power. If their purchasing power increases, they would rather purchase only essential commodities like foodgrains. So for the markets, there is reliance on the 10-12 percent of the population, the affluent strata, who have the purchasing power. The immense discontent of the masses is sought to be controlled through fascist means. That the major spurt of communalism in recent times took place around the time the Structural Adjustment Policies were introduced cannot be taken for granted. In 1989, communal tensions were built up all over the country by means of the Ram Shila Puja. The 1990 rath yatra of LK Advani left a trail of communal riots. (Of course, with the Mandal issue, the Santh Parivar was also apprehensive that their support base will be weakened, as a result of polarisation among the Hindu castes. This could be an added reason for the aggressive communal stand seeking to unite the Hindus against an ‘external enemy’) In 1992 December, the Babri Masjid was demolished and there were riots all over. The silence of major imperialist countries like the United States and Japan on the demolition of the Babri Masjid seems well meant. 15 The IMF, World Bank and Asian Development Bank sanctioned long term loans to India all within a week of the demolition of the Babri Masjid. 16 One can easily discern the imperialist hand in the growth of Fascistic Communalism.

The Political Basis

On the political front, on the one hand, there is an unprecedented crisis of legitimacy of all the so-called mainstream political parties. On the other hand, revolutionary class struggles and nationality movements have posed serious challenges to the pan-Indian dominant classes. The Naxalite movement in Andhra Pradesh, Bihar and Dandakaranya may not be powerful in physical terms. But it has definitely projected a very powerful alternative to the existing system. The nationality movements in Kashmir and the North-East of India have voiced the demand for independence from the Indian Union. Even the demands for autonomy raised from various regions threaten to erode the predominance of the pan-Indian dominant class forces. In order to disorient and emasculate the struggles of the oppressed masses 17, the dominant classes resort to the majoritarian logic of divide and rule. So "make-believe enemies" are projected. 18 Attacks are invariably justified on one pretext or the other. Thus, for the Sikhs, it was the terrorist/separatist hysteria; for Muslims, the pro-Pakistani anti-national hysteria; for Dalits, the reservation hysteria; for Christians, the conversion hysteria.19 In a mock show of nationalism, the Christians are made out to be symbols of the west and attacked. 20 In effect, it turns attention away from multinationals’ plunder under the SAP. One added reason for the attack on Christians at this point of time could be that the pet agenda of saffronisation of education bt the BJP, now in the central government, has come in direct conflict with the well-networked dominance of Christian educational institutions in the country.21 It is significant that the Christian churches permeate the educational system from elite institutions like St. Stephen’s in Delhi and Loyola College in Chennai to the village schools of remote Ranchi and the Dangs districts. That Hindutva nationalism is "the most viable integrating concept" 22 to serve ‘big nation chauvinism’ and the ‘expansionist’ designs of the dominant classes in the context of India, could be the reason why majoritarianism of the Hindutva variety is resorted to. So then it makes it possible for us to understand the policy of divide and rule from a "structural" rather than a "conspiratorial" angle. 23

The Cultural Basis

At the cultural level, there are myriad resentments in a society like ours wherein multiple contradictions coexist. This is usually the case with almost every society where imperialism has had its field of operation. Someone may enjoy privileges in some respect or the other, however lowly he/she may be in relation to the totality of the system. This becomes the basis for harbouring "a little enemy of equality" in each of us. 24 In the absence of a thoughtful political response from the democratic forces, these resentments/frustrations could create a popular base for Hindutva fascism in our country. 25 The "core world-view" of Hindutva has "a pre-ordained structure of differential status and privileges" and the concept of dharma, which consists of "living by the rules that govern that location." So Hindutva becomes attractive to all those who are sick of the claims of the underprivileged for equity and justice 26 and crave for order and stability. (Moreover, if all minority religions in India had reformist origins, ‘Hinduism’ has historically been a legitimisation and extension of the existing social hierarchies.)

The Autonomy of the Cultural : Minority Bashing as an End in Itself

The source of communal ideology needs to be identified : People do have different cultures and ways of living but communal ideology per se does not originate from the people, but from the dominant classes in society. However, the portends of large-scale communalisation of people’s minds is a huge threat that the democratic forces will have to squarely face up to in the days to come. One cannot wish away the disastrous potential of communal ideas that have been and are still being instilled into the minds of the masses in our country for a long time now, ever since the 1920s. It would not be far-fetched to hypothesise that this aspect of cultural/ideological indoctrination could assume a dangerous autonomy of its own (autonomy from the material/economic base), resulting in mass killings; minority bashing may become an end in itself as there have been historical antecedents to such phenomena. Fascists going berserk could result in anything from senseless killings to holocausts. One difference of fascism with other kinds of dictatorships is that when the latter, for the most part, targeted those who struggled against the powers-that-be, the former’s attacks are rather based on the logic, ‘If you are not with us, you are against us.’ Meaning, fascism attacked anyone who perceived it to be inimical to them, irrespective of whether or not they resisted it. 27

Hindutva Fascism and its European Counterparts

i) The Question of Definition : Imperialist Fascism and Comprador Fascism

Earlier in Europe, the 13th meeting of the Enlarged Executive of the Communist International defined fascism as "the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic, most imperialist elements of finance capital." 28 George Dimitrov’s famous speech in 1935 at the historic Seventh World Congress of the Communist International agreed with this definition in basics. 29 But in a country like India, which is apparently a ‘semi-feudal, semi-colonial’ 30 country under the yoke of imperialism, the characterisation, ‘most imperialistic’ in the above definition does not stand its test. Thus the Hindutva Fascists in India are seen to be among the worst compradors in the economic sphere, selling out the country to the imperialists. Even if it were an imperialist dictatorship that the Indian Fascists wanted to usher in, it is not going to be an imperialism of the Indian kind but probably, an imperialism of the American or European kind. It is probably because the apparently leading class in the combine of the ruling classes in India, comprador big capital, seems to shape the character of an Indian fascism as well. In the contest of multiple contradictions co-existing in our society, fascism of the Indian kind becomes a meeting ground of all reaction — the ultimate guarantor of the status quo. Thus aggressive refeudalisation in the cultural realm is matched by an equally or more aggressive onslaught of imperialism in the economic sphere. The fact that the majority of the members of minority religions in India who are now targets of attack by the Sangh Parivar, belong to the lineage of converts who wanted to escape the Hindu caste system, is evidence enough that Hindutva forces today represent a new-Brahminical trend as well. So Hindutva fascism is like a den of many evils : a meeting-ground of all enemies of the people. It is not only the religious minorities who become the victims of their hatred but also the workers, the peasants, the oppressed nationalities, women, Dalits and Adivasis. Hence the need for a ‘unity against fascism.’ 31

Given the comprador character of our kind of fascism and the multiplicity of contradictions that shape its character, the Indian variety of fascism may be more akin to similar other third world fascisms than with the earlier European fascisms. Thus the crude Hutu variety in Rwanda and the Taliban variety in Afghanistan may be recalled, if they may at all be called fascisms.

There are also certain other striking dissimilarities of the Indian variety of fascism with its earlier western counterparts. One is that it is not a populist fascism that we have. Or for instance, the Sangh Parivar would have made a big show of opposing the New Economic Policies. The earlier western fascisms projected themselves to be ‘National Socialisms’ promising to alleviate poverty and unemployment. Here in India, we have the anachronism of a comprador fascism, which while speaking about commanding heights of a Hindu national culture, cringes before the imperialists in the economic sphere. The comprador nature of the Indian variety of fascism was evident since its very inception despite its ‘swadeshi’ facade. The RSS never took an active anti-British stand during the freedom struggle. Rather, its leaders overtly and covertly sided with the British colonialists. Given their class character, we cannot make a pious wish that Hindutva Fascists would turn anti-imperialist over time.

i ) Fascism’s Contradictory Social Base

The earlier European fascisms had an internal contradiction in its very social base : between the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the movement of the petty-bourgeois masses. 34 (In Germany, there were also a good number of workers among fascist cadres) The Indian variety is not devoid of this contradiction. Apparently, the social base of the Hindutva forces has expanded from the earlier sections of the urban trading classes and the Bania caste to sections of classes like rural elite, middle class, lumpen proletariat and the Sanskritised 35 Backward Castes. The swing of the Sanskritised Backward Castes to the Hindutva camp may be seen in the context of the latest phase of caste conflicts between the Sanskritised Backward Castes and Dalits in many parts of the country. The petty trading classes would have their contradiction in material terms with Indian big capital and imperialism in the course of ‘liberalisation and globalisation’. The middle and lower classes are also victims of these policies. And caste contradiction is the very hallmark of Hindu society.

iii) Fascism’s Ideology

If the basic components of the ideology of German and Italian fascisms were racism (in Germany, anti-Semitic also) and nationalism, in India, majoritarianism of the Hindu communal variety and pan-Indian big nation chauvinism seem to be the most important components of the fascist ideology. Hindi chauvinism may be a secondary ideological characteristic. Thus the infamous slogan of the Sangh Parivar is : "Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan". North Indian, upper caste, Hindu, male seems to be the most favoured category with the Sangh Parivar. As for any particular sect of Hindu religion it prefers to promote, the Vaishnavism of the Ram cult is privileged. Shaivism of the Dravidian South and the Sakteya cult (associated with the female goddesses like Durga) of the East get a step-motherly treatment. Even the Krishna cult of the Vaishnavite school may not be as much favoured as it is perceived to have Dravidian origins. This itself is significant as Rama is considered to be the symbol of Indo-Aryan domination.

That the mindset of the Indian ‘fascists’ was not different from that of the European fascists is clear from the fact that the Indian fascist pioneers had great appreciation for German fascism. The ‘Guruji’ (master) M.S.Golwalker in his book, We or Our Nationhood Defined, had written about the approach the Hindu Rashtra should adopt towards its religious minorities. ‘These sections that are foreigners have only two options: Either merge themselves in the national race and adopt its culture, or live at the mercy of the national race as long as it permits and leave the nation at its sweet will.’ Again he says, on failing to get assimilated, they can ‘claim no rights — not to speak of any privileges and live in this country submitting themselves completely to the Hindu Rashtra without deserving considerations even citizenship rights. They have no option other than this and should not have any either. We are an old nation, we should tackle the foreign races that have decided to settle in our nation, in the manner in which the old nations do.’ 36 Again, he wrote ‘In order to safeguard the purity of its race and culture, Germany has shocked the world purging the Semitic races — the Jews. The pride of race manifests in its highest form here. Germany shows how it is impossible to unite to oneness religions and cultures that are divergent to their very roots. This is a good lesson for us in Hindustan to learn and benefit from.’ 37 So the Guru of the ‘Guruji’ of RSS turns out to be none other than Hitler ! 38

Hindutva Fascism : An Inevitability ?

All these are not to point towards the inevitability of the situation. It is rightly said that inevitability is not a feature that is characteristic of human affairs. Whether fascism would actually dawn upon India might depend on the extent of the crisis of the Indian ruling classes, the advancement of people struggles and the international situation. If their crisis does not further deepen, the Indian ruling classes might be able to sail through by means other than a fascist dictatorship. But the probability is that the crisis would further deepen. As the Indian ruling classes have a comprador character and they are under the overriding influence of imperialism, it might also depend on the ‘largesse’ of the imperialists, particularly, the American imperialists, whether or not communal fascism would be established in our country.

Will It Hold Out ?

Given the deep-rootedness of the contradictions in Indian society and the internal contradiction characteristic of fascism in general and fascism of the Indian variety in particular (especially, caste contradictions within Hindu society) fascism may well be defeated in India, if the liberal and democratic (including, of course, revolutionary) forces alongwith religious minorities, oppressed nationalities, women, Dalits, Adivasis and such other targets of the Hindutva fascists, make a common cause and fight it out. The revisionists in the West had gradually given way to the fascists, thus playing a treacherous role, this is apparent in India as well.

Fighting Fascism

It was, with the increasing influence of the Hindutva fascists upon the state power that both repression on the revolutionary movement and attacks on minorities have increased more than ever before. Therefore, there is also a basis for the revolutionary movement to make common cause with broad-based anti-communal struggles.

The prescription for fighting fascism may still remain valid even in our country : broad alliances and militant struggles. It might be worthwhile to remember that during the Second World War, the socialist Soviet Union under Stalin had allied with bourgeois democracies of the West, to fight out fascism, the most pernicious variety of ruling class politics. (Indeed, it cannot be a mere accident of history that socialist Soviet Union had fought the most crucial battles in defeating fascism.) If the fight at the cultural/ideological plane is ignored, we may have to pay a very dear cost, although fascism could, ultimately, be defeated even in India. So today, it is crucial for the democratic forces to face up to the grave threat of communalisation of people’s minds. The fascist forces will have to be fought in all spheres — ideologically/culturally, politically and militarily. Their armed gangs will have to be disarmed and the masses mobilised in waves, to counter them.


1 The famous comment of Anatole France cited in Praful Bidwai and Achin Vinaik, "Why India Should Sign CTBT Returning to Our Own Agenda", Economic and Political Weekly, September 19, 1998, p. 2474

2 W.C. Deb. The Menace of Hindu Fascism, Progressive Publications, New Delhi, 6 December, 1995, p.5

3 Randhir Singh, "Theorising Communalism A Fragmentary Note in the Marxist Mode" in Communalism Towards a Democratic Perspective, All India People’s Resistance Forum, New Delhi, December 1993, p.12

4 Sumanta Banerjee staunchly opposed the notion of granting democratic rights to fascists in "Sangh Parivar and Democratic Rights", in Communalism Towards a Democratic Perspective.

5 Randhir Singh, "Theorising Communalism A Fragmentary Note in the Marxist Mode" in Communalism Towards a Democratic Perspective, All India People’s Resistance Forum, New Delhi, December 1993, p.52

6 An expression used by Manoranjan Mohanty in my personal discussions with him.

7 For an exposition of the comprador character of Indian big capital, please refer Suniti Kumar Ghosh, The Indian Big Bourgeoisie, Subarnarekha, Calcutta, 1985.

8 AIRSF, Communalism takes a dangerous new turn, Madurai, 1993 (Second Edition) p. 7.

9 Aijaz Ahmed, "Structure and Ideology in Italian Fascism" in germinal, Vol. 1/1994 : Fascism and Culture, p.57

10 ‘Hindutva Fascism’ seems to be a better coinage than ‘Hindu fascism’ considering the need to win over the common Hindu masses from the grip of the majority communalists.

11 Ibid, p.51

12 Figures quoted in the pamphlets of AIPRF

13 As quoted in Nalini Taneja, "Populism, Hindutva, Imperialism : An Anti-Modernity Pradigm for the Third World", germinal, Vol. 1/1994 : Fascism and Culture, p.111

14 Most Marxist-Leninist analyses in the context of India identify imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucrat capitalism as the dominant class forces in India.

15 AIRSF, p.25

16 Ibid.

17 Randhir Singh, p.17

18 AIRSF, p.10

19 Shukdev, "Hindu Fascists Bare their Communal Fangs: Sikhs, Muslims ... and now the Christians", People’ March, March-April 1999, p.44

20 Ibid.

21 Uma Chakravarty, "Saffronising a Non-Existing of Education" in Kalam, November 1998-February 1999.

22 AIRSF, p.13

23 Tapan badu, Pradip Datta, Sumit Sarkar, Sambuddha Sen, Khakhi Shorts Saffron Flags, Tracts for the Times/1, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1993, p.5

24 K. Balagopal, "Why did December 6, 1992 Happen?" in Communalism Towards a Democratic Perspective, All India Peoples Resistance Forum, New Delhi, December 1993, p. 25

25 Ibid, p.25

26 Ibid, p.24

27 .........

28 Palmiro Gogliatti, Lectures on Fascism (Indian edition), New Century Book house (P) Ltd, Chennai, May 1998, p.1

29 Ibid, "Introduction" by Gus Hall, p.xvi

30 For such a characterisation, R.S. Rao, Towards understanding Semi-Feudal, Semi-Colonial Society, D. Narasimha Reddy (ed), Perspectives, Hyderabad, 1995 could be one of the reference books.

31 In 1935, this call went from the Communist International of the time. The struggle against fascism may constitute part of ‘tactics’, not ‘strategy’ but it may be characterised as ‘strategic tactics’, not merely ‘tactic’.

32 K. Balagopal, p.25

33 Shamsul Islam, The Freedom Movement and the RSS A Story of Betrayal, Joshi-Adhikari Institute of Social Studies, New Delhi, 2000 (second edition).

34 Palmiro Togliatti, "The Basic features of the Fascist Dictatorship", p.2

35 The concept of "Sanskritisation", as propounded by M.N. Srinivas,a renowned Indian socialogist, is process whereby the lower caste groups imitate the rituals, customs, way of life, food habits and the like of the upper castes. Through an internationalisation of values of caste hierarchy, these castes, in turn become more oppressive towards castes lower than themselves.

36 M.S. Golwalkar, We are Our Nationhood Defined, Bharat Publications, 1939, pp 47-48 as quoted in Sitaram Yechury, Hindu Rashtramo ? (Malayalam), P.N. Damodaram Pillai (tr.), Chintha Publications, Thiruvananthapuram, 1994 (third edition), pp. 24, 25.

37 M.S. Golwalkar, p. 35 as quoted in Sitaram Yechury, pp 24-26.

38 Ibid.




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