May-June 1999

The Bhajrang Dal (BD) and Vishwa Hundu Parishad (VHP), two of the Sangh Parivar’s notorious constituents, were making the headlines in late 1998. They had hit on two new issues. If their hate campaign against Christians was one, the lesser known was their targeting of the Sufi darga of Baba Budan at Budangiri in Karnataka’s Chickmagalur district.

In the third week of November, the Sangh Parivar commenced their rath yatra from different points in the state, and claimed they would mobilise 25,000 people to "liberate" the darga and establish it as "Dattatreya Peetha". The ruling Janata Dal government provided all the security that the yatra needed. And on December 3, the Hindu communalists made their way to Budangiri. They offered "puja" at the darga, planted a trishoola, placed a Ganapathi idol and hoisted saffron flags. Before they left the darga they vowed they would be back in a short time to complete the "liberation". They poured invective on the management of the darga and demanded the government to mediate and "settle" the "dispute" through talks. Otherwise, they threatened, they would be going right ahead. With this the few thousand storm troopers left, having completed phase one of their strategy.

Why Take On Budangiri?

In early November 1998, when VHP, BD and some BJP leaders held press conferences announcing that the darga had to be "liberated" from the hands of the Muslims, it came as a bolt from the blue for the people of the state. Since after the Sangh Parivar commenced their campaign, the media has begun to refer to it as the "controversial" shrine. But there has been no controversy whatsoever in the nearly four centuries of history of the darga. The darga, set up by an Arab Sufi, Baba Budan, later saw a mingling with the anti-Vedic Dattapantha tradition; much to the chagrin of Hindu and Islamic orthodoxy of the time. Being an amalgam of a quasi-Islamic and quasi-Hindu tradition; it has drawn a broad section of Muslim and Hindu folk as its religious clientele in these last three centuries. This darga, just as all other dargas, stands out as a symbol of Hindu-Muslim brotherhood in the sphere of religion. It is living proof of Hindu-Muslim religious amity and exposes, by its very existence, the Hindu communal canard of Muslim bigotry in the past and in the present.

But it was not such an exposure of the Sangh Parivar’s distortion of history that acted as the immediate reason inviting their fire. It is true that the culture surrounding dargas is a significant factor of a common Hindu-Muslim religious practice. In India there are a million such daily "irritants" which unsettle the Sangh Parivar’s claims. Hence there was a larger and a more important purpose on hand for the Sangh Parivar’s concentration of their line of fire on this remote darga tucked away amidst the coffee plantations and wild grassy cover of Budangiri.

The string of losses in the November 1998 assembly elections has been a major defeat for the BJP. To prove itself it has the next round of assembly elections in November 1999. Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and six other states are going to the polls. The BJP knows it can make little headway in Maharashtra and AP. For the present Karnataka is their only ray of hope in South India. And the Sangh Parivar would like to do everything to storm its way into the Vidhana Soudha in Bangalore.

The raking up of the Idga Maidan "controversy" in Hubli six years ago, was part of the BJP’s election strategy to incite communal passions. The Idgah Maidan "controversy" was "settled" by the intervention of the Patel government a short time after it assumed office, by arm-twisting Muslims to themselves hoist the tricolour on the Idgah—a demand which the BJP had in fact raised. The only concession that the "anti-communal" JD government offered was to turn down the BJP’s demand to directly hoist the flag on the Idgah. They blackmailed the Muslims into doing it themseselves. With the Idgah Maidan "controversy" thus "settled", the Sangh Parivar had to cook a new communal brew for the ensuing assembly elections and it chose the darga of Baba Budan for this. By "liberating" the darga at Budangiri, it wants to enact a southern version of Babri Masjid and by winning the Karnataka Assembly it seeks to make it their gateway to the South.

Taking On the Sangh Parivar

But since day one, the going was not good for the Hindu fascists. First, they could gather little support for their rath yatra. In Shimoga city, one of the traditional centres of the RSS, the yatra had not more than 75 participants in all.

Second, the BJP, after an initial flurry of support abstained from making public noises on behalf of the Hindu communal campaign. The BJP was testing the waters. Instead the VHP and BD went all hog. But the BD has almost no organisation in Karnataka, save a handful of saffron hoodlums, and their leadership did not cut much ice.

Third, Budangiri is a shrine that has so far had no "controversy" built around it. Among the common masses of Hindus and Muslims that revere the religious traditions attached to the darga, there has been anger at this campaign by the Sangh Parivar. In fact, feeling this pulse of the masses, the BJP thought it wiser to pull out from exercising open leadership for the issue. Hence, if anything, the rath yatra has, despite the media blitz, only invited the ire of the toiling populace of all religions towards the Hindu communalists.

Fourth, a team of respected academics from Kuvempu University—the jurisdiction of which covers Shimoga, Chickmagalur, Chitradurga and Davangere districts—visited Budangiri, made an investigation of its history and folk tradition, and came out with a report that made short work of the Sangh Parivar’s arguments. This effort went a long way in shooting down whatever little credibility the Hindu communalists had been able to orchestrate.

Fifth, and most important of all, various revolutionary, democratic and anti-communal forces in Shimoga stated their opposition to the rath yatra, calling upon the people to foil the Sangh Parivar’s nefarious designs. A combination of all these factors, plus anger with the BJPs doings in Shimoga which has elected 4 MLAs and one MP from this party in the district, led to an upsurge against the Sangh Parivar’s attempt to create a communal divide.

Mobilising Against Communalism

Even as Bhajrang Dal rowdies were descending the road from Budangiri, content with having launched a fresh assault on the Muslims of Karnataka; more than 14 organisations and an equal number of individuals gathered in Shimoga to chalk out a protest demonstration against these designs of the saffron brigade. About 200 people, representing a wide cross-section, held a demonstration in the second week of December and warned the Hindu communalists to keep their blood-stained hands off Baba Budan’s darga. In end December, all these organisations held a meeting and decided to close their ranks. Organisations such as Pragathipara Vidyarthi Kendra (PVK), Dalit Sangharsha Samithi (DSS), Karnataka Vimochana Ranga (KVR), Revolutionary Youth Federation (RYF), Students Islamic Organisation (SIO), Arivu Baraha, Mahila Jagruthi, Karnataka Rajya Raitha Sangha (KRRS), the Karnataka Road Transport Corporation’s employees union and several other organisations and individuals formed an Anti-Communal Solidarity Front (ACSF). Professor Rajendra Chenni of Kuvempu University, Mr Y Jagadish correspondent for a Mangalore-based daily and Com Devendrappa State Secretary of PVK were chosen as its convenors. The first programme the ACSF drew up was "Chickmagalur Chalo" for January 31.

Bus loads of youth and women, students and peasants, Dalits and Muslims, Adivasis and intellectuals reached Chickmagalur from Shimoga, Chitradurga, Bhadravathi, Sringeri, Koppa and Bangalore. As the rally commenced in Chickmagalur town at 10-00 am on January 31, there was unprecedented response from the townspeople. Starting with a strength of 400 participants, as the procession wound its way, it gathered spontaneous local support. By the time the procession reached the venue of the public meeting, it had grown four times its original size. Particularly moving was the support Muslim masses showed. After a successful public meeting, in which Dr Rahmath Tarikere of the Kannada University, Hampi; Mr Sirimane Nagaraj, State President of KVR; Dr Rajendra Chenni; Com K Shivasundar, All India Peoples Resistance Forum (AIPRF) and 10 others made speeches, an avalanche of slogans rent the air. The Sangh Parivar was warned and the Patel government which was constantly appeasing it was exposed; the Muslims were reassured and there were calls for united resistance of the oppressed masses and minorities to Hindu communalism. The buses then made for Budangiri, an hour’s drive from Chickmagalur town, as part of the show of solidarity. The wide mobilisation on January 31 was a sound slap on the face of the Hindu communalists.

By the time the Chickmagalur Chalo programme was completed, the Sangh Parivar had intensified its offensive on Christians. This all-India trend had its echo in Shimoga district too.

On 8 February, a rally was organised in Bhadravathi, a taluk centre and working class city, 18 kms away from Shimoga. An ACSF unit was formed there composed of RYF, KVR, Chintana Vedike, and a host of other organisations. On that day about 2,000 people, a good section of whom were Christians, held a massive rally in Bhadravathi. Among the speakers at the public meeting were Com Devendrappa; Com Chandrashekar Torangatta, (CPI-ML-Naxalbari); Father Stephen and others.

Meanwhile, in Shimoga, Sangh Parivar elements began their attacks on Christians. They removed a statue of Infant Jesus from a Church in the city and dumped it near the morgue of the government hospital. They also placed a Ganapathi idol in a convent.

The ACSF met, investigated the issue and called for a demonstration against the Sangh Parivar inspired culprits for February 17.

The saffron brigade however felt that this had to be blocked. Two BJP MLAs, one MP and the district BJP President pitched their tents in Shimoga for one week before February 17 in order to foil the protest.

Bharitiya Yuva Morcha goons were sent to the Kuvempu University with a memorandum demanding the suspension of Prof Chenni for "provoking communal strife in Shimoga". However, more than 200 slogan shouting students were rallied against the BJYM goons and they fled from the campus in their car, taken aback by the broad opposition in the student community.

The Sangh Parivar then came out with a series of statements demanding the arrest of all the three convenors of the ACSF in addition to Prof Sadananda of the Kuvempu University. Their charge was that these intellectuals were acting as accomplices to Naxalites who were provoking communal hatred and thereby disturbing Shimoga’s social peace!

The BJP politicians challenged reporters at a press conference about the veracity of their stories that alleged Sangh Parivar involvement. But the local press—12 dailies in all—called for a boycott of all BJP programmes until an apology was tendered. Of course there was the lone rag, published by none other than the city’s VHP President which stood isolated during this protest. Next, BJP leaders called for a meeting with the Superintendent of Police and Deputy Commissioner and brought pressure on them to threaten leaders of the ACSF, make arrests and beat up the uncompromising Naxalite student activists on or before February 17.

Shimoga was heading for a showdown. The BJP and the Sangh Parivar at one end, the state administration allied with them and the revolutionaries, democrats and minorities, including a few individuals from the Congress and Janata Dal at the other end.

Permission for the procession was denied. Permission to use the public address system was rejected. Member organisations and leaders of the ACSF were warned by the SP and DC.

But on February 17 the people rallied. They cared two hoots if the district administration gave them no permission. They cared a damn to the threats government and police officials advanced. Revolutionary students and youth rallied. Dalits rallied. Women rallied. Intellectuals rallied. Individual members of JD and the Congress parties rallied. But most important of all, Christians took to the streets in hundreds. And Muslims joined them in scores.

It was a broad spectrum. From revolutionaries to minorities. And they were all angry. Angry with the Hindu communalist attacks on Christians and for their targeting of Muslims. Their attempts at breaking the demonstration were foiled. And the blatant bias of the police and civil administration became more and more pronounced with each passing day.

One-and-a-half thousand people were out on February 17 shouting slogans against the Hindu communalists, expressing solidarity with the Christians and Muslims. Some Christians were emotionally moved by the demonstration of solidarity against Hindu communalism. They realised how important it was to fight and fight unitedly against the Hindu communalists.

Anger Against the Hindu Fascists

This show of defiance and massive propaganda in favour of the ACSF—what with the news blockade by the local press of the BJP—irritated the BJP as seldom before. Their prestige was at stake. And the current that was set in motion as a result of mass mobilisations against Budangiri and attacks on Christians was clearly gaining momentum and began to show glimpses of turning into a tide against the BJP. In a certain sense the BJP leadership turned jittery. Leave alone prospects of increasing their tally in Karnataka in the forthcoming assembly polls, it appeared that they could well lose a good deal of what they had in Shimoga. The wind was being taken out of its sails.

On 23 February a gang of 30 men led by a dozen BJP corporators barged into the office of the Kranti Deepa, one of the leading Kannada dailies of Shimoga, which has over the years, consistently exposed the Hindu communalists. They beat up the editor, two reporters and a compositor, smashed computers, destroyed equipment worth nearly Rs 5 lakhs and roughed up the owner of the press. The editor lost consciousness. He lost his speech for a week due to the injuries on his face and head. One reporter was pulled to the streets, dragged and beaten all along the road till the police station. There these goondas lodged a complaint claiming assault on BJP women and them by the staff of the newspaper. They demanded for the arrest of all the four. They called for a press conference and the MP who has earned notoriety as a rowdy since his student days, put out his version to the state press. He also had the presence of mind to parade BJP corporators that led the attack with bandaged hands and feet.

The ACSF called for an extended meeting the same evening. More than 100 representatives gathered. Even as the district journalists association called for a protest the next day, the ACSF issued a call for Shimoga bandh on February 26.

Again permission was denied for the procession. The DC and SP issued statements against the bandh. The District Committee of the BJP put out full page ads appealing to the people of Shimoga not to participate in the bandh. On 25 February another trick was also tried. The BJP leadership got the district administration to call for a joint meeting with the protestors in order to "discuss matters" and call off the bandh. Local BJP MLAs attended the meeting. In this meeting the DC and SP proved their loyalty to the BJP and as the meeting ended, the determination of the ACSF to go ahead was in the air.

On 26 February at 10-00 AM, more than 100 PVK students were on the streets getting the bandh implemented. The cops soon arrested them. But sensing the immediate response to this arrest and fearing that the situation on that day could go out of hand, they were released forthwith in the midst of stiff resistance by the students themselves. More than 3000 people had gathered for the procession on that day. BJP’s goondaism came under attack. The people demanded for the arrest of the corporators and other bigwig BJP criminals under the Anti-goonda Act.

On 4, 5 and 6 March the annual Urs was held at the Budangiri darga. Thousands participated in it. People came from different parts of Karnataka, different parts of India and even from a few Asian countries. ACSF activists were at Budangiri on the 6th distributing pamphlets and holding group meetings. In Chickmagalur itself several organisations and political parties formed their own anti-communal front and undertook propaganda at the Urs. As for the Sangh Parivar, which was gunning to rake up a new row during the Urs, it simply remained silent for the good part of the week.

In a matter of two months more than a lakh pamphlets were distributed against the Sangh Parivar’s designs. In a span of two months more than 10,000 people rallied against the Hindu communalists in at least 20 towns. And, in a matter of two months, Shimoga city in particular got polarised. On the one hand was the Sangh Parivar, thoroughly exposed and licking its wounds. On the other were revolutionaries, democrats, anti-communalists and the minorities.

When the auspicious coconuts were broken launching the rath yatra in November 1998, the Sangh Parivar hardly expected they would land themselves in such a fix. They had no measure of the simmering anti-communal anger in the people. Their chariot was moving on broken wheels.

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