Developing Fascism in India
In recent years there has been a growing political polarization in India, with ever richer billionaire capitalists, and more and more hundreds of millions of impoverished workers, farmers, and tribal peoples. This has led to more frequent rebellions by the people, more widespread and more intense. Often these rebellions are supported or led by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) or other revolutionary parties and groups. In reaction to these mass rebellions the rulers of India have paid little or no attention to alleviating the poverty, exploitation and oppression of the people. Instead they have focused almost entirely on attempting to suppress the masses and the revolutionary movement, both through armed force and through ever more draconian and fascist laws.
The most serious of these fascist laws which are moving the whole country in the direction of outright fascism is the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act [UAPA], passed in 2008. This replaces (and intensifies!) earlier fascist laws such as the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act [TADA] and the Prevention of Terrorism Act [POTA].
Professor Amit Bhattacharyya, in the article “Democracy and Ban Cannot Go Together” which we have posted below, explains the extreme and undemocratic nature of the UAPA:
Why are these acts draconian? We would like to state some of the salient features. First, according to the UAPA, anyone can be kept in police or jail custody for 180 days without any trial. Second, during this period, the detained person can be brought to the police station for questioning for as many times as the police officials think necessary. Third, it is next to impossible to get release on bail under this act. Fourth, as in the draconian TADA [Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act] and POTA [Prevention of Terrorism Act], the accused would have to prove his or her innocence, rather than the accuser/police proving his/her guilt in the court of law. Fifth, all the citizens are liable to supply information about the movements of “suspects”, i,e, to act as police informers, failing which they themselves would be booked. Sixth, in the eyes of the State, all persons are suspected terrorists. Seventh, at all times of day and night, the police under some senior official of the secretariat level, are empowered to search houses of citizens for information and even arrest them. Eighth, by this act, any article, documentary film, report, essay could be suppressed and artists, writers, and even media persons can be arrested on the charge of “intend[ing] to aid terrorism”. Ninth, the prisoners would be tried in camera, the names of the witnesses would not be made public and this special court would be under the control of administrative authority. In short, this act is a new addition to the long list of draconian laws that trample down the fundamental rights of the people with impunity and brush aside all legal safeguards for the arrested and, the most important of all, make a mockery of the Indian Constitution in this “land of the largest democracy”.
In addition to these actual laws of a fascist character, there is the general practice of the police and other agencies of the state to operate with close to total impunity with regard to any laws that are supposed to restrain and control them. In other words they routinely attack, viciously beat, arrest or kill pretty much whomever they choose, whenever they choose, almost always without any consequences to themselves no matter how outrageous their actions.
As just one of many examples of this out-of-control police victimization of the masses we cite the common phenomenon in contemporary India of “fake encounters”. These are the cases of cold-blooded murders of revolutionaries and others while in police custody which are then falsely reported as having been armed encounters between the police and the revolutionaries. These “fake encounters” have become so frequent that even the central and state governments do not deny that they occur. But yet, except in the rarest of cases, nothing is done about them because they actually do represent the desired conduct of the police on the part of the ruling class.
In addition to this general problem of political fascism in India there is also the specific form it often takes in combination with religion. Just as there is a tendency toward a Christian coloration to fascist movements in the U.S., and a Muslim coloration to fascist movements in the Muslim world, in India—with its Hindu majority—there is a tendency toward Hindu fascism. For this reason we will try to develop a special section below about that serious danger.
However, it is not only those of us at BANNEDTHOUGHT.NET who are starting to take note of all this. The whole world is now beginning to recognize the seriousness of the march toward fascism in India, and India’s reputation will inevitably become more and more tarnished if this horrible trend continues.
General Articles Exposing and Opposing the Growing Developments Toward Fascism in India
- “The Right to Dissent in India, and for a Plebiscite in Kashmir: Please Endorse”, a statement from the Concerned Citizens of India on Kashmir, Oct. 27, 2010, 2 pages. PDF Version (65 KB) MS Word Version (31 KB)
- “Democracy and Ban Cannot Go Together”, by Amit Bhattacharyya, Professor of history, Jadavpur University, Kolkata. Probably from late November 2009. Three pages. PDF Version (165 KB) MS Word Version (36 KB)
- “Background Information on Repressive Laws in India”, compiled by Aagney Sail, Law Graduate, Delhi University, Indian Action Forum (INSAF), Sept. 2007. [Note that this was written before the new draconian UAPA law was enacted in 2008.] This is an 18-page PDF file (199 KB) at: http://www.binayaksen.net/wp-content/uploads/indian_repressive_laws.pdf
- “A Short Introduction to the MLM Conception of Fascism”, by Scott H., Dec. 13, 2009, 19 pages. This essay contrasts the MLM conception of fascism with that of the bourgeoisie, and includes a short discussion of fascism in India. PDF Format [335 KB] MS Word Format [122 KB]
Reports of New Fascist Laws and Actions
- A series of official bannings of people’s organizations by the state of Andhra Pradesh under its fascist “Public Security Act of 1992”, all of which were issued or renewed on Aug. 9, 2012. Each is 2 pages long and is merely an unsupported claim (providing no evidence whatsoever) by a government security bureaucracy that each organization is engaged in illegal activity. In most cases even the claims are merely that the organizations agree with the aims of other illegal organizations or publicly speak out or demonstrate in support of ideas or goals which the government is calling illegal. These are clearly fascist bannings of ideas and of groups which express support for ideas and goals the government disapproves of.
Banning the Communist Party of India (Maoist) (PDF: 72 KB)
Banning the Radical Youth League (RYL) (PDF: 73 KB)
Banning the Rythu Coolie Sangham (RCS) (PDF: 73 KB)
Banning the Radical Students Union (RSU) (PDF: 73 KB)
Banning the Singareni Karmika Samakhya (SIKASA) (PDF: 74 KB)
Banning the Viplava Karmika Samakhya (VIKASA) (PDF: 75 KB)
Banning the All India Revolutionary Students Federation (AIRSF) (PDF: 73 KB)
Banning the Revolutionary Democratic Front (RDF) (PDF: 63 KB)
- “India Puts Tight Leash on Internet Free Speech”, New York Times, April 27, 2011, 3 pages. PDF Version (81 KB) MS Word Version (38 KB)
- “Publishers of Booklet Booked for Sedition”, Times of India, June 28, 2010, 1 page. PDF Version (9 KB) MS Word Version (28 KB)
- “India Stifles All Inquiry into Maoist/Naxal Movements”, Resources Research blog, May 7, 2010, 3 page. PDF Version (153 KB) MS Word Version (60 KB)
- “Supporting Maoists will invite 10 year jail”, news report in The Times of India, May 6, 2010, 1 page. PDF Version (9 KB) MS Word Version (28 KB)
- “Journalists across India at Receiving End of Official Wrath”, Kashmir Times, Feb. 11, 2008, 2 pages. PDF Version (60 KB) MS Word Version (29 KB)
- “The Menace of Hindu Fascism”, by W. C. Deb, (New Delhi: Progressive Publications, December 1995), 95 pages. PDF Format (5,383 KB)
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